I hope they will do the needful tonight
Na mujamaa ukiniambia watu watajiharia nikacheka. Ukasema utaona mtu mzima akilia. Ni ukweli…:D:D:D
Don’t worry Ruto was chosen long time ago
was this their plan all along???
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FaQsL-_WYAAUEMA?format=jpg&name=large
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FaQsMfVWYAE2Hgz?format=jpg&name=large
///,
- The Deep State does not make mistakes.
- Assuming that Ruto won, then he was their candidate all along
- Is it possible that Kikuyus control deep state hence they knew what they were doing
[SIZE=7]The ‘Deep State ’ that never was and other elections intrigues[/SIZE]
https://nation.africa/resource/image/2436/portrait_ratio1x1/60/60/424abc45cd40cd19b60845977dd6779d/Vu/kagwanja.jpg
By Peter Kagwanja
Chief Executive Africa Policy Institute
[SIZE=6]What you need to know:[/SIZE]
[ul]
[li]Ruto turned his humble background into a potent ideology that shifted the axis of the contest from ethnicity to class and the economy.[/li][li]The ‘system’ failed Odinga. Azimio’s campaign was based on a weak structure and was grossly underfunded.[/li][li]Azimio had no master plan to train and deploy agents to all polling stations and no efforts were made to find Azimio supporters and bring them to vote.[/li][/ul]
Kenya is yet to break the jinx of contested elections.
“I understand personally that it is frustrating to lose presidential elections by narrow margins,” lamented American politician James Baker.
Those who lose with narrow margins have tended to reject the results, plunging emerging democracies into chaos.
This is the trouble with Kenya’s August 9, 2022, presidential election, which went perilously down to the wire.
It is déjà vu all over again. A razor-thin winner-loser margin in the disputed 2007 presidential election sparked protests and ethnic-based violence that left more than 1,000 people dead.
On D-Day, 14,213,027 out of 22,120,458 registered voters cast their votes to elect President Uhuru Kenyatta’s successor.
The 2022 presidential election was the hardest fought, resulting in the narrowest winner-loser gap in the country’s electoral history.
Deputy President William Ruto, leader of the Kenya Kwanza Alliance, clinched a first-round win in the presidential contest, garnering 7,176,141 (50.49 per cent) of the votes cast and securing at least 25 per cent of the votes in 39 out of 47 counties.
The loser, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and leader of the Azimio La Umoja One Kenya Coalition managed 6,942,930 votes (48.85 per cent).
The narrow winner-loser gap was also reflected in the results of the National Assembly, senatorial and gubernatorial elections between Ruto’s Kenya Kwanza Alliance and Odinga’s Azimio.
Mr Odinga has rejected the results as “null and void” and vowed to challenge them in the Supreme Court.
How precisely did Ruto win and thus edged closer to becoming Kenya’s fifth president?
The Deputy President, who won in his first shot at the presidency, is not a newcomer to presidential campaigns.
He broke his teeth in presidential contests as a key member of the Youth for Kanu 92 (YK92), which delivered victory for President Daniel arap Moi in 1992.
Ruto was the chief campaigner for Odinga in 2007 and for Kenyatta in 2002, 2013 and 2017.
In 2007, Ruto lost the nominations for the Orange Democratic Movement presidential flagbearer to Odinga.
From that time, he set his eyes on the presidency, conceiving the race as a marathon rather than a sprint.
A superior, well-financed and diligently executed strategy enabled Ruto to defeat a combined force of the Odinga-led opposition and the powerful government machinery under Mr Kenyatta, who backed Odinga, his foe-turn-friend.
The strategy enabled Ruto to maintain the tyranny of numbers in the populous Mount Kenya and the Rift Valley that swept Jubilee to power in 2013 and enabled it to retain power in 2017.
Using this strategy, Ruto turned his weakness into strength. He turned his humble background into a potent ideology that shifted the axis of the contest from ethnicity to class and the economy.
This was not a totally new approach. In 2002, as Kanu secretary-general, Ruto managed to redefine the presidential contest between Mwai Kibaki, 72, and Uhuru Kenyatta,41, as a clash of generations.
In 2022, he redefined the contest as a ‘class war’ between the ‘Hustlers’ (the poor) versus ‘Dynasties’ (the rich) and buttressed by the economic populism encapsulated by the ‘bottom-up’ economic model.
[SIZE=6]Regional kingpins[/SIZE]
[B]Ruto successfully turned his evangelical Christian faith into a powerful political pillar, ran an effective grassroots campaign and adopted “the Pentagon” model based on regional kingpins that Odinga used in the 2007 election, which he narrowly lost.
This strategy enabled him to successfully get a significant proportion of votes in Odinga’s strongholds in Western Kenya, Coast and Nairobi.
In the election, Ruto totally vanquished the scions of “dynasties”: Uhuru Kenyatta, Gideon Moi and Raila Odinga.[/B]
And how did Odinga lose?
Prior to the 2022 General Election, Siaya Senator-elect and Raila Odinga’s elder brother, Oburu Oginga, famously declared that “[COLOR=rgb(209, 72, 65)]we have the system”.
[COLOR=rgb(209, 72, 65)]
[COLOR=rgb(209, 72, 65)]Reliance on the ‘system’, disparaged as a cabal of nefarious state machinery hellbent on rigging elections at Azimio’s behest, may have shielded Odinga’s campaign from police interference and being a victim of vote rigging, but over-reliance on the ‘system’ came with a heavy cost.
The ‘system’ failed Odinga. Azimio’s campaign was based on a weak structure and was grossly underfunded.
Odinga’s face was visibly missing from the posters and billboards of Jubilee candidates.
Azimio bigwigs, who flew leisurely in fleets of choppers, missed an opportunity for a grassroots campaign.
[COLOR=rgb(184, 49, 47)]
Disorder, corruption and political entrepreneurship of local party wonks undermined the effectiveness of Azimio rallies.
F[COLOR=rgb(209, 72, 65)]ailure to concentrate on his strongholds saw Odinga painfully lose some of his traditional grounds in Western Kenya, Coast and Nairobi.
[COLOR=rgb(209, 72, 65)]
Discernibly, Azimio lacked any coherent winning strategy, failed to put its best brains at work and tied down its doyens in senatorial and gubernatorial races while Jubilee’s main honchos badly mismanaged Odinga’s campaign.
Azimio had no master plan to train and deploy agents to all polling stations and no efforts were made to find Azimio supporters and bring them to vote.
There was absolutely no mobilisation strategy to get out the vote before and on the polling day. Everything was left to chance.
A high voter turnout would have delivered Odinga to power. Instead, he carried the unduly heavy burdens of Kenyatta’s administration, including the angst of Mount Kenya voters.
Candidates backed by incumbents seldom win elections. The move by former Botswana President Ian Khama to back the opposition split the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) and threw the country into profound uncertainty.
In Mount Kenya, the 2022 presidential election was widely seen as a contest between Uhuru and Ruto, with Raila and his running mate Martha Karua as ‘projects’.
[COLOR=rgb(209, 72, 65)]
But was the election really stolen? Undoubtedly, Ruto won fair and square.
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) posted Forms 34A on its portal with results from 46,229 polling stations for all and sundry to tally.
Election observers such as the Elections Observation Group said the results as announced by the IEBC were in line with their own projections.
“Elections are about the future and not about the past,” said the American politician, Mike DeWine. The 2022 election has unveiled the doctrine of peaceful transition, the cornerstone of electoral democracy, as the weakest link in Kenya’s young democracy. An acrimonious dispute in the Supreme Court will haunt the country’s unity for generations to come.