These thieving idiots knew that they were wasting our limited tax shillings in useless campaign that was never amount to anything. Over half a billion wasted for nothing as Kenyans are dying of hunger and lack of medical services. [ATTACH=full]80844[/ATTACH] [ATTACH=full]80844[/ATTACH]
am not here to express or back my political affiliation but hii ni porojo tupu…passssssssss
cjamaliza…John Maghufuli is a stupid president…he is an enemy of East Africa…he voted for Chad in the final round…A stupid fraud like his friend Rwneeeebp… an enemy of his own country…
Kuna pesa yako imetumiwa?
[ATTACH=full]80847[/ATTACH] Nusa Kunyi mfalme wa mashoga!
Am told Uganda and Somalia too waliambia macho nyanya and his fake project waendenge wakikaukianga huuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuko
homo @Atwoli unajua Trump amekanyagia pesa zile mulikuwa munalipwa mukitombwa matako ? hiyo story iko kwa hio Gutter press paper yako CITIZEN page 6 .
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[SIZE=6]1982 Kenyan coup d’état attempt[/SIZE]
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (August 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The 1982 Kenyan coup d’état attempt was a failed attempt to overthrow President Daniel arap Moi’s government. At midnight on Sunday, 1 August 1982, a group of soldiers from the Kenya Air Force took over the radio station Voice of Kenya and announced that they had overthrown the government. The group tried to force a group of Air Force fighter pilots to bomb the State House at gunpoint. The pilots pretended to follow orders on the ground but once airborne they ignored them (confusing a member the coup group in one of the plans) and instead dropped the bombs over Mount Kenya’s forests.[1]
Hezekiah Ochuka, a Senior Private Grade-I (the second lowest rank in the Kenyan military), ruled Kenya for about six hours before escaping to Tanzania. After being extradited back to Kenya, he was tried and found guilty of leading the coup attempt and hanged in 1987. Also implicated in the coup attempt was Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, a former Vice-President to Jomo Kenyatta, and his son Raila Amolo Odinga. The putsch was quickly suppressed by forces commanded by Chief of General Staff Mahamoud Mohamed, a veteran Somali military official.[2] They included the General Service Unit (GSU) — a paramilitary wing of the police — and later the regular police.
[SIZE=5]Contents[/SIZE]
[ul]
[li]1 The plan[/li][li]2 Aftermath[/li][li]3 References[/li][li]4 Further reading[/li][li]5 External links[/li][/ul]
[SIZE=5]The plan[/SIZE]
Ochuka had become obsessed with becoming the President of Kenya at one time in his lifetime.[3] He had the words “The next president of Kenya” carved on his desk and this led him to quickly accept a proposal by Obuon and Oteyo to overthrow the government which was being led by Daniel Moi.
He went ahead to recruit some soldiers from his base at Embakasi and this included those who ranked higher than him.[3] There was a heated debate of who would become the chairman of the People Redemption Council (PRC) so that he would assume the presidency position after the coup. In his part, Obuon claimed that he had recruited the largest number of soldiers into the plan and so he warranted the chairmanship. Obuon also added the fact that he had served as the chairman of the Airmen’s mess. Ochuka had threatened that all soldiers he had recruited would quit the plan if he was not selected as the chairman. Obuon and Ochuka had a heated debate that almost broke into a fight over the chairmanship until Oteyo intercepted and advised Obuon to leave the chairmanship to Ochuka, whom they would kill after the successful coup.[3] Ochuka may have suspected the plot of Obuon and Oteyo. He rallied support from soldiers to him as an individual and he went further to build a protective wall around him. He also rallied support from Obuon’s old political friend and it is believed that the old friend even gave him two million shillings and a second hand car. He had also managed to steal some military communication equipment which he had set up at a private house in Nairobi which was located a few kilometres from the city center.
In late July 1982, Ochuka held a secret meeting at football grounds near Umoja estate, and details of how the coup was to be executed were discussed. During this meeting, Ochuka told the attendees that he had the support of Uganda, Tanzania and Sudan who would send their soldiers to the borders to counter any opposition. He went further to allege that he had the blessings of Russia who would send a Soviet ship to the Kenyan coast to guard against any external interference. Ochuka had made up all these stories to convince his recruits to take up the risk in the mission.[3]
[SIZE=5]Aftermath[/SIZE]
Oteyo said that the coup failed because most of the soldiers did not execute their parts of the plan since most of the soldiers were busy looting instead of going to arrest the president and his ministers. The coup leader Ochuka, had gone to fetch a radio presenter, Leonard Mambo Mbotela.[3]
The coup left more than 100 soldiers dead and perhaps 200 civilians, including several non-Kenyans.
After the foiled coup, the organizers were arrested and tried at the martial courts in the Kenya Army Langata Barracks.Corporal Bramwel Injeni Njereman who was an armaments technician was the second to be convicted of treason on 24 November 1984. He was found guilty of five overt acts and sentenced to death by being hanged.[1] Corporal Walter Odira Ojode was the first to be charged of the same offence on 16 December 1982 of which he was found guilty and he also received the death penalty. Both appealed their cases but they still lost the cases. The death sentences were executed on the night of 10 July 1985 at Kamiti Maximum Security Prison together with coup mastermind Hezekiah Ochuka and his counterpart Pancras Oteyo Okumu. Up to date they are the last people to be executed under the death penalty under the Kenyan law. After the coup attempt, the entire Kenya Air Force was disbanded. In the end, a total of twelve people had been sentenced to death, and over 900 were jailed. The convicts who were hanged were buried at the Kamiti maximum prison.
During the court trials, the name of Oginga Odinga was mentioned several times as having financed the organizers and he was put under house arrest.[4] His son Raila Odinga together with other university lecturers were sent to detention after being charged for treason…[4]
The coup attempt is also a direct cause for the snap elections in 1983.
In response to alleged campus involvement in the failed coup, the Kenyan government accused external communist sources of secretly funding the attempt.[5]
[SIZE=5]References[/SIZE]
[ol]
[li]Rodger Yeager, Norman Miller (2012). “Kenya: The Quest For Prosperity, Second Edition — Norman Miller, Rodger Yeager — Google Books”. books.google.co.ke. Retrieved 1 August 2012.[/li][/ol]
[SIZE=5]Further reading[/SIZE]
[ul]
[li]“145 Were Killed in Kenyan Uprising”. NYTimes.com. The New York Times Company. 11 August 1982. Retrieved 2007-04-25.[/li][li]“Kenya Disbands its Air Force after Coup Bid”. NYTimes.com. The New York Times Company. 22 August 1982. Retrieved 2007-04-25.[/li][li]Diangá, James (2002). Kenya 1982: The Attempted Coup: The Consequence of a One-Party Dictatorship. London: Pen Press. ISBN 1-904018-20-3.[/li][/ul]
[SIZE=5]External links[/SIZE]
[ul]
[li]Audio of contemporary rebel broadcast on VOK during coup d’etat, 1982 on YouTube.[/li][/ul]
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[ul][li]Gachuhi, Roy (11 December 2009). “How heroic trio of fighter pilots scuttled mission to bomb State House and GSU”. nation.co.ke. Retrieved 1 August 2012.[/ul][/li][ul][li][I]Society[/I]. Nyamora Communications Limited. 1992. p. 12.[/ul][/li][ul][li]Jim Bailey; Garth Bundeh. Kenya: The National Epic. East African Publishers; 1993 [cited 1 August 2012]. GGKEY:EKUEFUF9WH9. p. 269.[/ul][/li][ul][*]Jemima Atieno Oluoch (2006). [I]The Christian Political Theology of Dr. John Henry Okullu[/I]. Uzima Publishing House. pp. 12–. ISBN 978-1-870345-51-4. Retrieved 1 August 2012.[/ul]
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[SIZE=6]Raila Odinga was involved in the 1982 coup[/SIZE]
Discussion in ‘Kenyan News and Politics’ started by MaxShimba, Mar 18, 2013.
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March 14, 2004 Sunday
LENGTH: 1423 words
HEADLINE: Kenya;
How Raila Escaped the Noose
BYLINE: The East African Standard
BODY:
The life and career of one of Kenya’s most controversial politicians,
Raila Amolo Odinga, was only saved by a legal technicality after the
failed 1982 coup.
Raila was among dozens of people picked up and detained by police in the
wake of the coup attempt in August. His name had cropped up in the initial
interrogation of the Kenya Air Force personnel suspected to be at the
heart of the plot to topple the government.
And although President Moi sought to portray himself as a “forgiving and
compassionate Christian”, it was generally believed, and later borne out
in fact, that the inner core of the coup plotters would be put to death.
Like other suspected mutineers, Raila was charged with the capital offence
of treason six weeks after his arrest. The State’s case against Odinga
drew mainly from the confessions of the 12 soldiers who had been involved
in the conception and execution of the coup plot.
In one such confession, signed by Sgt Joseph Ogiddy Obuon in Court Martial
Criminal Appeal No. 3 of 1983, Obuon stated, in his defence, that he had
known nothing about the coup but had been ordered by superior officers to
report to a house on Ngong Road to guard communication equipment. There,
he said, he had found Raila.
“I had carried two servicemen in the Land Rover,” Sgt Obuon said. "I drove
to Council Headquarters where the servicemen were supposed to guard. I had
carried them from KAF Eastleigh. S/Pvte Ochuka went away and came back
again.
“We then stayed for a while and again S/Pvte Ochuka left accompanied by
Raila Odinga,” he continued. "They did not come back. Raila had two cars,
so he and Ochuka left in one of them and later SSgt Oteyo and the
journalist left in the other car, saying they were going to look for Raila
and Ochuka so that they can arrange how to announce at the Voice of Kenya
about the coup.
“They also never came back,” he added. “It was now almost 7 am, and by
that time I had heard over the radio that the armed forces had taken over
the government.”
But although the government, through Attorney-General Joseph Kamere, had
been determined to pursue a conviction for treason, their efforts were
scuttled by a major legal gaffe by the A-G, according to some legal
experts.
Kenya’s Criminal Procedure Code is explicit that, in matters of treason,
evidence proffered by accomplices needs to be corroborated by at least two
independent witnesses.
In Raila’s case, therefore, all the witnesses the state had hoped to line
up to testify were members of the Kenya Air Force and thus were not only
accomplices, but were themselves in detention pending prosecution.
Cognisant that it would be impossible for the state to secure a
conviction, then Chief Justice A.H. Simpson wrote to both President Moi
and the AG advising that it would be imprudent to proceed with the
prosecution. Judge Simpson, a Kenyan of British origin, also drew
attention to the fact that there was growing disquiet at the time,
particularly in Britain, over the mass arrests and reports of torture that
followed the coup attempt. In his view, prosecuting Raila would reflect
badly on the government if the law were cast aside to secure convictions.
Chastised, the AG withdrew the case but an attempt to bring a Bill to
Parliament to alter the relevant law was dropped following an outcry.
Mr Kamere was, unsurprisingly, dropped shortly afterwards and replaced by
Mathew Guy Muli.
The government then decided to prosecute the soldiers through
courts-martial while civilian suspects were detained without trial.
Recalling his arrest and detention last week, Raila was emphatic that his
survival was not an act of magnanimity by President Moi. “I spent six
weeks in custody before I was charged. I was interrogated, tortured and
moved to various police stations.”
Upon his arrest, Raila was held at Central Police Station, Kilimani,
Muthangari and GSU headquarters. At Muthangari, he was kept in a cell
flooded with cold water and sealed with rubber. “It was very cold,” he
said.
Raila says at Muthangari, he saw Titus Adungosi, the Students Organisation
of Nairobi University chairman who had been detained for leading his
colleagues into the streets to celebrate the short-lived coup.
“He told me they wanted him to make a confession, but I told him to remain
strong and not surrender. But eventually I think he gave in. They beat him
so badly that they broke his ribs and punctured his lungs. When we met at
Kamiti, he was continuously vomiting blood. Eventually he died.”
Raila was shuttled between various stations, all the while being taken to
Criminal Investigations Department Headquarters and Special Branch for
interrogations and back to the cell.
“I was moved to the General Service Unit (GSU) headquarters at Ruaraka,
where I stayed for four weeks. I was subjected to intense interrogation by
Ben Gethi (a former Commissioner of Police) mostly at night. He really
tortured us,” Raila recalled.
Eventually, Raila was taken to court and charged with treason together
with Prof Alfred Oduor, then a lecturer at the University of Nairobi, and
Otieno MakOnyango, a journalist with the East African Standard who was
mistaken for another journalist that had escaped.
"I was to be tried for treason. To ensure I was punished, the Government
tried to change the Criminal Procedure Pode. In between someone said,
‘There is sufficient evidence to put you on your defence.’ That never came
to pass as Raila spent six months at Kamiti awaiting trial or acquittal.
Guilllotine
Raila says that contrary to the belief that it was President Moi’s
magnanimity that spared him the guillotine, it was the arrival of Desmond
D’Silva, a Queen’s Counsel from the United Kingdom, to take over his
defence that changed the course. "Friends and well wishers raised funds
and hired a QC for my defence. Then followed a two-week adjournment as my
lawyer examined the committal bundles. It is then that the Government
realised the evidence it had gathered would not stand scrutiny before
court.
Raila was released but immediately re-arrested, locked up at Lang’ata
police station and subsequently handed a detention order. He was released
five years later in February 1988.
Looking back at the events leading to 1982, Raila recalled that the brutal
manner in which the government scuttled, and suppressed pro-democracy
forces including an earlier attempt by Jaramogi Oginga to launch a
political party left the movements without a viable alternative. This
drove the opposition underground. “Then came 1982,” he says, "But before
1982 there was a massive crackdown on perceived dissidents. The police
arrested and tortured hundreds. We were several groups operating
clandestinely at the time. There was a group whose task was just to
produce leaflets called Pambana to sensitise the public about the
movement. “We engaged in mass production of the pamphlets, mainly by
photocopying. Both photocopying and distribution of the pamphlets were
done at night. In Nairobi we would spend about two hours at night dropping
them at strategic points.”
Initially, they used facilities owned by Raila’s relative with whom they
fell out. “Later, we used an airlines’ facilities at Jomo Kenyatta
International Airport to do our work. In the morning people would pick up
the leaflets scattered all over town. Then for the rest of the day they
would excitedly talk about the leaflets’ contents. But the pamphleteering
was purely a civilian thing. It had nothing to do with the military,”
Raila says.
“We were organised, but then there were also a number of other clandestine
groups we were working with that were more spontaneous than organised.
These are the activities that informed 1982. But again, there was also
discontent in the military. To a large extent, what upsets civilians also
tends to upset the military. Discontent outside almost always affects the
mood in the Barracks.”
Raila would recollect that over the years, the democratisation struggle
has taken different turns at different times. “It’s continuous,” he
observes, “But there have always been two forces fighting, forces parallel
to each other. There have been forces hell-bent on retaining the status
quo and those that have always pushed for democratic reforms. These two
forces have been pulling in two diametrically opposed directions. It is
against this background that one can understand the liberation movement in
Kenya.”
Read the finer details of how the coup was planned in tomorrow’s East
African Standard.
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This is not news.
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10/7/2011
[SIZE=6]Truth team told of Raila hand in failed coup [/SIZE]
Prime Minister Raila Odinga was involved in the failed 1982 coup to overthrow former president Daniel arap Moi
http://www.nation.co.ke/image/view/-/1198318/highRes/52159/-/maxw/600/-/92j2u6z/-/Rai+Mo.jpg
Photo/FILE Former president Daniel arap Moi (left), Prime Minister Raila Odinga (centre) and Deputy PM Musalia Mudavadi at a past function on November 22, 2008.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga was involved in the failed 1982 coup to overthrow former president Daniel arap Moi’s government, the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission heard on Sunday.
Retired Kenya Air Force officer Maxwell Kivihya told the TJRC sitting in Bungoma that Mr Odinga met Senior Private Hezekiah Ochuka several times at a house on Fourth Avenue Ngong Road in Nairobi.
Snr Private Ochuka led junior officers in the abortive coup.
At the time, KAF was under the command of Peter Kariuki while Jackson Mulinge was the Chief of the General Staff, Mr Kivihya recalled.
He also named a Lt Mwambura, Cpl Odero and Cpl Oriwa as some of the key players in the coup attempt that resulted in the loss of 300 lives, half of them university students and civilians.
Mr Odinga was later absolved of involvement in court.
Mr Kivihya, who retired as a major, said that a day after the abortive coup, the former president ordered that all Kenya Air Force men be rounded up and taken for hanging at Kamiti Prison.
The directive was effected and servicemen and officers were locked up at Kamiti, Naivasha, King’ong’o and Shimo la Tewa prisons.
“President Moi appointed Brig Kibwana and Maj Musomba to conduct interrogations and torture,” Mr Kivihya told the hushed audience, adding that torture was intensified to yield forced confessions.
He said four categories of KAF airmen emerged during their arrest: those with prior knowledge of the coup, some of who escaped to Tanzania; those without prior knowledge, but who were imprisoned or hanged without legal processing and representation; those who stayed in prison, but could not be charged for lack of evidence and were later freed due to international pressure; and those who were charged and acquitted by the High Court.
Only a quarter of the airmen who knew of the plot raised the alarm at the Eastleigh and Nanyuki barracks and took up arms in readiness for the next order, said Mr Kivihya.
“Cpl Odero ordered men to go to town and wait for the next order, which had not come by the time loyal forces from the Kenya Army caught up with them. A few KAF airmen who had been taken to Broadcasting House were killed there by Kenya Army men,” he recalled.